Wednesday, August 08, 2012
Friday, March 02, 2012
Thursday, March 01, 2012
Sunday, October 23, 2011
A released terrorist brags about how cheaply he killed Jews
2:59 AM
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Palestine Today talked with one of the terrorists released in the Shalit deal, Khaled Gaidi.Gaidi was sentenced to two life terms in Israel in 1986. (The article says he was sentenced to 4 life terms.)
He claims to have been behind the murders of three Israelis. I could only confirm two of the victims.
One was Haim Azran, 32, a resident of Ashkelon who was stabbed as he shopped in a market in Gaza in September 1986. Yasir Arafat's Force 17 took credit at the time for that attack.
Yisrael Kitaro was a 43-year old taxi driver also from Ashkelon, was similarly stabbed to death in Gaza in October 1986 as he took his car to a garage for repairs.
Gaidi, who is now a member of Islamic Jihad, claims to also have killed another man, Abraham Abu Ghosh.
Gaidi now brags that it only cost three shekels to buy the knife that killed three Israelis.
He called on Fatah to stop negotiations, saying the "the enemy only understands the language of force and Jihad."
Thursday, October 20, 2011
BDS organizers get sued by Lebanese businessman!
4:00 PM
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From Al Akhbar:
Placebo played in Israel on June 5th, and they did play in Beirut on June 9
It does not appear that the boycott effort in Lebanon had any effect because the concert hall in Beirut looks pretty full to me:
Which is a win-win - the Lebanese roundly ignored the BDSers and the only way for the BDSers to counter the lawsuit would be for them to admit that their efforts were fruitless!
(h/t Dan)
Lebanese anti-Israel activists are being sued by a concert promoter for their boycott campaign against a popular British rock group.El Murr described the boycotts as "ridiculous" last year.
Samah Idriss, director of Dar al-Adab publishing house, received a court summons this Thursday from Beirut's commerce court. Idriss is implicated in a lawsuit for his involvement in a Lebanese boycott campaign against the British rock group Placebo last year. Jihad el-Murr, who heads the company that organized the event, filed the suit on 10 July 2011.
El-Murr is suing Idriss, as well as three other groups involved in the campaign: the Aidoun Refugee Rights Center, the Campaign to Boycott the Supporters of Israel in Lebanon, and the Global BDS Campaign in Lebanon. El-Murr, a self-described famous businessman from a prominent family, is demanding US$180,000 compensation for his company’s financial losses allegedly caused by the boycott campaign.
Lebanese activists called for the boycott in protest of Placebo's performance in Tel Aviv four days before their concert in Beirut, that was scheduled for 9 June 2010 at the Forum de Beirut. Only in July 2011, a year after the event took place, did el-Murr notice the ‘financial losses’ he claims were caused by the campaign. He called the campaign against cultural normalization with Israel both “malicious and deceptive.” El-Murr argues that the 1955 Lebanese law supporting a limited boycott of Israel does not apply to the Placebo concert. “The famous rock band does not even deal with politics,” he added.
Placebo played in Israel on June 5th, and they did play in Beirut on June 9
It does not appear that the boycott effort in Lebanon had any effect because the concert hall in Beirut looks pretty full to me:
Which is a win-win - the Lebanese roundly ignored the BDSers and the only way for the BDSers to counter the lawsuit would be for them to admit that their efforts were fruitless!
(h/t Dan)
Wednesday, October 19, 2011
Thursday, September 01, 2011
Wednesday, September 29, 2010
Friday, July 16, 2010
UNRWA
12:51 PM
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Silke in the comments points to a UNRWA document showing the increase in Palestinian "refugees" since 1950. Here it is (transposed to make it easier to read):
| Year | Jordan | Lebanon | Syria | West Ban | Gaza | Total |
| 1950 | 506,200 | 127,600 | 82,194 | - | 198,227 | 914,221 |
| 1955 | 502,135 | 100,820 | 88,330 | - | 214,701 | 905,986 |
| 1960 | 613,743 | 136,561 | 115,043 | - | 255,542 | 1,120,889 |
| 1965 | 688,089 | 159,810 | 135,971 | - | 296,953 | 1,280,823 |
| 1970 | 506,038 | 175,958 | 158,717 | 272,692 | 311,814 | 1,425,219 |
| 1975 | 625,857 | 196,855 | 184,042 | 292,922 | 333,031 | 1,632,707 |
| 1980 | 716,372 | 226,554 | 209,362 | 324,035 | 367,995 | 1,844,318 |
| 1985 | 799,724 | 263,599 | 244,626 | 357,704 | 427,892 | 2,093,545 |
| 1990 | 929,097 | 302,049 | 280,731 | 414,298 | 496,339 | 2,422,514 |
| 1995 | 1,288,197 | 346,164 | 337,308 | 517,412 | 683,560 | 3,172,641 |
| 2000 | 1,570,192 | 376,472 | 383,199 | 583,009 | 824,622 | 3,737,494 |
| 2005 | 1,795,326 | 401,071 | 426,919 | 690,988 | 969,588 | 4,283,892 |
| 2008 | 1,930,703 | 416,608 | 456,983 | 754,263 | 1,059,584 | 4,618,141 |
If you prefer charts:
A couple of things struck me when looking at this.
First of all, there is a missing column in the table. There is one other country that had people defined as Palestinian refugees in 1950 not listed here - and that country is Israel.
According to UNRWA, Israel had 48,000 Palestinian refugees: 31,000 Arabs and 17,000 Jews. Israel managed to integrate the refugees, Arabs and Jews alike, into its society and they disappeared from the refugee rolls within a couple of years.
If Arab countries had worked at treating their Palestinians as well as Israel did (reducing the population by 25,000 refugees a year,) they would have eliminated the refugee problem within 20 years rather than let it fester for thrice that time.
Not only that, but the percentage of refugees compared to total population was about 8% in Lebanon, 2% in Syria, and 4% in Israel. So there is no excuse that the other countries were overwhelmed and couldn't handle the refugees - Israel not only absorbed these refugees but took hundreds of thousands of additional refugees from Arab countries at the exact same time - all without help from any UN agencies. (In Jordan, the percentage of refugees was about 40% of the population, but keep in mind that Jordan also gained a lot of land in the 1948 war that many of the refugees were already living on.)
Isn't it interesting, though, that UNRWA doesn't acknowledge the Palestine refugees in Israel in their statistics? It's almost as if they are embarrassed that the single success story for Palestinian Arab refugees came in the country that they have a seething hatred for.
Another very important fact that we glean from these statistics: Nearly all of the "refugees" that live in Jordan are Jordanian citizens! Not only is UNRWA's definition of a "refugee" skewed by including the descendants of refugees, but they also include a huge population that is not stateless at all!
UNRWA actually admits this, with tendentious logic. This past February, Michael Kingsley-Nyinah, Director of the Executive Office of UNRWA, gave a speech in Malta about how UNRWA looks at Jordanians of Palestinian origin, and his words are amazing:
Refugees residing in Jordan and Syria enjoy a wide range of rights and freedoms that have helped to mitigate the hardships of displacement. Many are granted economic rights and access to the employment market, and the stability of these countries means they are spared the trauma of armed conflict. Among the relatively less disadvantaged are the refugees in Jordan who enjoy the privileges of special categories of Jordanian nationality.For any other group of refugees, the UN (meaning the UNHCR) bends over backwards to remove the "refugee label," but UNRWA applies it even in situations when it shouldn't exist. Arab nations refused to treat the early refugees like human beings, and UNRWA eventually not only went along with this evil plan, but institutionalized it.
The advantages of residing in Jordan and Syria are welcome and beneficial. Yet they do not obscure the vulnerability inherent in the refugee label. Neither do they detract from the distinctness of the refugee identity.
The refugees and host communities share an implicit understanding that the sojourn of Palestine refugees is temporary – and that this transient state is unchanged by the lengthy duration of their exile. As a corollary, “refugee consciousness” is strong among Palestinians, including the younger generation. The passing years have left intact a sense of injustice, a demand for acknowledgement and a desire for their travail to be justly resolved. Across the Middle East, Palestine refugees define themselves (and are defined by others) by reference to the historical experience of exile.
A person who was born and raised as a citizen of another country cannot be called a "refugee" by any sane definition. Yet the UNRWA does exactly that. With a stroke of a pen, they could have reduced the number of "refugees" by 40% - and they instead kept the label.
One result is that even Jordanians are discriminating against Palestinian Jordanians, sixty years after their ancestors became citizens. UNRWA has made their "otherness" official and has justified it by using the words of those who hate them most by claiming that their status is temporary. By defining Palestinian Jordanians as somehow only temporary Jordanians, UNRWA is justifying their discrimination.
There is another implication of using the word "temporary" to define the "sojourn" of the PalArabs. If their status is only temporary, then surely Israel's status is temporary as well, and will end with their "return."
As I've mentioned before, on two occasions when Lebanon allowed a limited number of so-called "refugees" to become citizens of that country, the Palestinian Arabs jumped at the opportunity. Many more would happily trade in their "refugee" status for the opportunity to be normal, functioning citizens of their host countries, or of other Arab countries. They are not being given that choice, and a good part of that is because UNRWA is doing everything they can to perpetuate and expand the purported number of "refugees" for decades after they no longer should have that label.
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